Saturday, January 29, 2011

How The Government And Army Built America's Railroads


by Anton Chaikin

Should nations promote productive industry through government subsidy or other encouragement? Or, should financiers and their spokesmen be listened to, respectfully, when they denounce such efforts as ``corruption'' and ``government interference''? 

Poor countries are threatened with terrorism and disunion. But they are warned, in the name of human rights, not to allow their armed forces to be nation-builders. Is such advice wisdom, or hypocrisy? 

Public officials are everywhere confronted with infrastructure breakdown, transport crises, and traffic gridlock. Must their impotent lament, that no resources are available to solve these problems, be the final word? 

The proud record of America's own creation of railroads is a useful guide for national strategists everywhere in answering these questions. This record demonstrates the power of the American System of political economy, as against the British ``free-trade'' system of colonialism and looting. 

In the United States, the railroads were planned by the Army, and financed by government, as projects vital for national defense and economic development. Then, Americans went abroad to build railroads, to secure other nations as America's allies against British Empire geopolitics. 

These assertions of ours fly in the face of enormous public prejudice, resulting from indoctrination by British ``free-trade'' propagandists. History texts agitate against the railroad as a locus of corruption and an instrument for the oppression of the masses.


Leftist writers feature such ``robber barons'' as Cornelius Vanderbilt, who bought up railroad lines after they had been built, ``watered'' the stock, and stole vast sums of money. The socialist writer Gustavus Myers  passes over the whole story of how the transport network was created, suggesting only that the public was tricked into paying for building the rail lines and the canals. 

Writers favoring ``free trade'' expound against the legislatures and such statesmen as Abraham Lincoln for the supposed folly of committing public money and credit to public works. In recent years, the post-industrial speculators' frenzy has gone so far that their theoreticians have denounced America's 19th-century railroad building altogether; University of Chicago economist Robert W. Fogel won the 1993 Nobel Prize for his claims that slavery was productive and efficient, while railroads were unnecessary. 

But, the purpose and the republican mentality of the railroads' strategists, and the political and financial means by which the lines were built, are simply absent from the general historical literature; the reigning orthodoxy thus avoids a nasty embarrassment. 

During 1997, a work was made available in print which will aid in overcoming this deficiency: Stanford University published the first English translation of Franz Anton von Gerstner's 1840 report on the early American railroads.  Gerstner's detailed evaluation of U.S. rail lines and canals, written to instruct the Russian government on America's progress, has the great value that it is not censored or filtered through later anti-industrial or anti-American ideology. Rather, the author was himself a civil engineer and railroad builder who admired the U.S.A., and knew and shared the enthusiastic outlook of those who actually built America's rail lines. 

We have worked through Gerstner's engineering history of every single U.S. railroad that had been, or was then being built, in conjunction with other sources which present the same topic from the standpoint of the Federal government and engineers, and from the state government political level. We have thus gained access to a story which is shockingly different from the line of the International Monetary Fund, refuting the lie that national progress somehow arises from submission to speculators' demands for unrestrained looting. As we shall see, America did it another way. 



 

Defending the Union: the General Survey Act

John Quincy Adams, President from 1825 to 1829, began ordering U.S. Army engineers to design the country's first railroads. Adams made the assignments under the General Survey Act of 1824. During the previous administration of James Monroe, that bill had been pushed through Congress by the two leaders of the nationalist faction, House Speaker Henry Clay, and Adams himself, who was then Secretary of State. The act authorized the ``President of the United States ... to cause the necessary surveys, plans, and estimates, to be made of such Roads and Canals as he may deem of national importance, in a commercial or military point of view.''
 
The 1824 Survey Act was a political companion to the nationalists' protective tariff legislation. In the following year, Adams was elected President and he appointed Clay Secretary of State. 

The original rail project carried out under the Survey Act, and America's first commercial railroad, was the Baltimore & Ohio, chartered in 1827. President Adams ordered a dozen or more Army engineers to plan and supervise the B&O's construction, to link the Atlantic port of Baltimore with the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. Adams also deployed Army personnel to start up railroad projects in New York, Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina, until the end of his Presidency in 1829. 

Adams's Secretary of War, James Barbour, explained the administration's thinking on these assignments:
``The successful introduction of Rail-Roads, into this country, is viewed by the Department as of great national importance, and especially any practicable mode of connecting the Atlantic States with the Western;|... so that the commodities to be found in either can be conveniently and cheaply conveyed to the other, across the barriers which divide them, and which ... offer the most sure and economical means to the Government to convey, to the different parts of the Union, the means of defence, in the transportation of men and munitions to the seat of war, wherever it shall exist.''
Under the General Survey Act, the technologies of steam power and metal rails were implemented by Army design, officially, on at least 60 railroads. Army men also worked on other new lines during personal furloughs, or ``in their spare time,'' with official sanction. 

President Andrew Jackson, John Q. Adams's successor, gradually emerged as an enemy of government economic activities. But in his first term, President Jackson continued Adams's initiative of assigning Army engineers to plan railroads. As a senator back in 1824, Jackson himself had voted for the General Survey Act, and the program was widely popular. Its high point was reached in 1835, when some 20 U.S. railroads were using active-duty Army personnel in their construction and management. 

The General Survey Act was repealed in 1838, under the administration of Martin Van Buren. This attack on American economic development followed on the heels of the destruction of the nationalist-run Bank of the United States, a course of action promoted by Van Buren and his faction aligned with the British and Wall Street bankers. Army officers were ordered to cease aiding railroad construction; active-duty personnel did not resume this role until the 1850s, in the preliminary surveying for the transcontinental railroad. 

The government initiative under the General Survey Act had been indispensable to the development of the railroads. The U.S. Military Academy at West Point was America's only engineering school when railroads began, and the only significant such school until the Civil War era. West Point's officer-graduates made up almost all of the civil engineers available to plan the lines, and Army regulations were implemented to discipline and organize the new railroad companies.


Although these companies were mostly private enterprises, state and local governments, and later the Federal government, subsidized all the significant rail lines with public money and credit, using loans, grants, stock purchases, and other means. As with the Army engineering, this public funding was absolutely essential. The biggest private financiers would not invest in constructing such enterprises, and the smaller investors could not sustain projects of such scope and duration without public money and guarantees. 

The results of this national commitment were spectacular. By 1840, after a decade of construction, the United States had about 3,000 miles of railways in operation, as compared to 1,800 miles in all of Europe, including Britain. 

The main issue for President Adams and his nationalist factional allies, military and civilian, was the strength and survival of the American Union. The British Empire and its political friends were still trying to bar America's westward expansion (by instigating Indian wars and slaveowners' land-grabs), a British policy which had been a major cause of the American Revolution. Canals and railroads would open up the West, and would strongly link western settlers to the older northern states. Southern plantation slavery, politically manipulable against the Union, would be potentially overpowered; and westerners would not have to depend on the Mississippi River, flowing through the South, for their market connections. 


 

West Point and France's École Polytechnique

The small U.S. Army was prepared for its railroad work by the extraordinary transformation which had just taken place in the Academy at West Point. Gen. Winfield Scott and Maj. Sylvanus Thayer had spent many months in France after the fall of Napoleon, immersing themselves in the methodology of the École Polytechnique, where Gaspard Monge, Lazare Carnot, and others had educated a new generation of French leaders in science and military strategy. 

In these pages, one year ago, Pierre Beaudry described the École's uniqu e educational methodology as
``based on universal principles which subsumed and linked together methods applicable to both Arts and Sciences.... Its principal mission was to give the new Republic ... scientists and engineers to serve in public works as well as the military. Also were required, numerous architects, manufacturers, artists, physicists, chemists, etc.; and the polytechnique method of descriptive geometry instituted by Monge served as the theoretical and practical epistemological basis for that purpose.''
An example of the École's republican approach can be seen in Carnot's discussion of the importance of perspective drawing, in classes for beginners:
``Linear perspective ... is calculated mathematically [but] aerial perspective ... can only be grasped by the sentiment. By comparing these two sciences, where one is sensual, the other ideal, the methodical course of one will help penetrate the mysteries of the other.... [Aerial perspective in painting is] the art of generating ideas by means of the senses, of acting on the soul by the organ of vision. It is in this way that it acquires its importance, that it competes with poetry; that it can, like poetry, enlighten the mind, warm the heart, excite and nourish higher emotions. We shall emphasize the contributions that it can bring to morality and to government; and how, in the hands of the skillful legislator, it will be a powerful means of instilling horror of slavery, and love of the fatherland, and will lead man to virtue.''
The American officers returned from Paris with a thousand-volume library on military art, engineering, and mathematics, a collection of maps, and French experts in descriptive geometry who would now train Americans. Thayer implemented the École regime as West Point Superintendent, while General Scott reorganized the U.S. Army to ensure professional rigor and accountability.
President Monroe created a Board of Engineers for Internal Improvements, and appointed Gen. Simon Bernard its leading member. Educated at the École Polytechnique, Bernard had been in command of France's army engineers in the 1790s, had designed U.S. East Coast forts, and led the Board of Engineers when President Adams began assigning Army personnel to plan U.S. railroads. Bernard later returned to France and was Minister of War (1836-39). 



 

The Team That Built The B&O Railroad

The War Department sent engineers to begin surveying for the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad in 1827. During the first two years, three survey brigades were headed by Col. Stephen H. Long, Dr. William Howard, and Maj. William Gibbs McNeill. As the surveying progressed, the B&O company and the Adams administration decided to send Major McNeill, Lt. George Washington Whistler, and another engineer to England to gather intelligence on railroad construction. 

While Colonel Long, Major McNeill, and Lieutenant Whistler managed B&O engineering activities in 1829-30, Whistler superintended the first track-laying. Ten to twelve Army engineers were in the company's service at any one time. 

McNeill and Whistler would go on from the pioneering B&O project, to work together in engineering the majority of America's new railroads. In 1831, Whistler married McNeill's sister Anna; their son, artist James Abbot McNeill Whistler, would paint Anna's portrait, the famous ``Whistler's Mother.'' 

George Washington Whistler became the most celebrated civil engineer of his day. He had graduated from West Point in 1819, a master of the projective geometry taught in the new Thayer-reorganized curriculum. A serious musician, he was nicknamed ``Pipes,'' because of his facility with the flute. 

Beginning with their first report to the B&O Board of Directors on April 5, 1828, the builders used Army Engineer Department accounting and reporting procedures, and adhered to Army technical and administrative standards as developed by General Scott.


Company president Philip E. Thomas asked McNeill for a set of written regulations for the railroad. The result was ``similar to those which govern generally in the U.S. Engineer Department,'' wrote McNeill, and ``when I thought applicable, I have transcribed literally from the printed regulations of the U.S. Engineer Department.''

This detailed accountability and formal, Army-originated hierarchy, is reported to have been unique in the American business community. The B&O's activities were written up in railroad periodicals and were closely studied by other railroad managers. The Army reassigned its officers off the B&O in 1830, but the regulations adopted afterward were along the same lines as those instituted by the Army personnel.
In 1836, after many intervening projects, McNeill was assigned to the crucial Western Railroad of Massachusetts as consulting engineer, with Capt. William H. Swift as resident engineer. Whistler, who had since resigned from the Army, was also at the Western Railroad, and was to become its chief engineer. 

Boston to Albany through-service was inaugurated in December 1841. The Western Railroad adopted from the outset procedures like those used in the Army. Captain Swift had a free hand in establishing procedures for accounting and reporting, and created a ``transportation department,'' similar to the staff, as distinguished from line officers, in the Army. 

In response to a head-on train collision, Whistler was asked to set up tight regulations for all trains and all employees. The Western Railroad's ``Report on Avoiding Collisions and Governing the Employees'' (Nov. 30, 1841), is seen as a milestone in U.S. railroad management practices.


There was an important military-civilian overlap on the Pennsylvania Railroad. Chief engineer J. Edgar Thomson hired West Point graduate Herman Haupt as his chief assistant in 1847. After studying the New England railroads, Haupt reorganized the Pennsylvania's management to be like the U.S. military. Line officers ran the day-to-day railroad operations; staff officers in a General Transportation Office concentrated on the company's broader strategic problems. With Thomson as president and Haupt as chief engineer, the Pennsylvania grew to be the country's largest railroad, and served as a tool of the nationalists and their military-scientific-industrial complex in Philadelphia. Haupt served as chief military engineer of Union forces during the Civil War; the Pennsylvania Railroad's vice president, Thomas A. Scott, was Assistant Secretary of War, and ran all government railways and transportation lines. 


 

The pattern of government-financed railroads

The Baltimore & Ohio, America's first great trunk line, was organized in 1827. To begin with, Baltimore community leaders sold $1.5 million in B&O bonds to private investors, and the city of Baltimore bought $500,000 worth of bonds. The city bought $1 million more during 1828, while private investors subscribed to another $1.5 million. In 1833, the state of Maryland granted the railroad company $500,000. The company ran out of money in 1836, whereupon the state of Maryland and the city of Baltimore each bought $3 million in B&O bonds. During the depression of 1837, Baltimore allowed the railroad to pay its debts with $1.5 million in ``railroad notes,'' in lieu of money. The 178 mile line to Cumberland, Maryland was completed in 1842; Wheeling, West Virginia was reached in 1853, thanks to a $500,000 subscription from the city of Wheeling. 

The state and local government financing given to the B&O was typical of American rail lines during their construction phase. 

On local lines of minor importance, municipalities might provide the main, or the only government aid. In New York State, around 300 localities invested in railroads.


But, state governments led the way; up to 1861, they put in about $300 million in cash and credit for transportation infrastructure, primarily railroads. Local and county governments contributed another $125 million. Between 1861 and 1890, state and local aid to railroads amounted to around $250 million.
Altogether, state and local governments provided more than half of the capital invested in early American railways. Not only that, but, quite often, private sources would make railroad construction loans only if the state government guaranteed repayment. 

Most of the private capital came from small investors--merchants, local manufacturers, farmers, and tradesmen--on the route of a proposed railroad. There was virtually no eastern capital available for the construction of western railroads, and the easterners who invested in their section's railroads were those small investors who responded to civic leadership of the statesmen and promoters. 

The Charleston and Hamburg was a Chamber of Commerce affair, backed by leading merchants. The Delaware, Lackawanna, and Western Railroad was backed by the Scranton family, to aid their iron operations. Small coal operators backed the coal-carrying railroads, whose construction was promoted by Nicholas Biddle, Mathew Carey, and other nationalists. 

Neither the New York stock market, nor the wealthy Boston bankers played a significant role in the creation of the American railroad system. As historian George Taylor wrote, ``The New York Stock Exchange does not appear to have played an important role in providing capital for early railroad construction. Only a small proportion of railroad stocks were even listed before 1860, and among these, leading roads such as the Pennsylvania and the Baltimore & Ohio, do not appear.'' 

 

Later, these big financiers bought up lines and began to treat them as speculative instruments, with very unwholesome results. 

Pennsylvania built the state-owned Philadelphia & Columbia and some other lines, to connect with the thousands of miles of state canals. The gigantic Pennsylvania Railroad Co. was jointly owned by private investors and the city of Philadelphia. The state built the Main Line, then sold it after completion to the Pennsylvania Railroad Co. The Philadelphia & Reading (``Reading Railroad'') was about one-quarter owned by the Bank of the United States, whose president, Nicholas Biddle, was also the fiscal manager for the Reading. 

Biddle used every possible resource of the Bank of the United States to develop American railroads and canals. It is often said that ``the British'' or ``the Rothschilds'' built America's railroads. This is simply untrue. The fact is that, by 1853, largely through the marketing of state bonds and other railroad securities by the Bank of the United States, 26% of American railroad bonds outstanding had come to be foreign-owned; railroad stocks, valued at nearly twice the figure for bonds, were only 3% foreign-owned. As time went on, however, the Morgans, Rothschilds, and other British Crown-linked financiers came to hold a dominant interest in American railroads. Ultimately, this financial power was used to loot the existing lines, rather than to develop them. 

The state of Georgia built the Western and Atlantic Railroad, completed from Atlanta (the railroad terminus city, which was named for the railroad) to Chattanooga, Tennessee in 1851. Virtually no private capital was available, so the state owned and managed the line until the Civil War. 

Virginia enacted a unique construction subsidy: The government would buy three-fifths of the stock shares of any railroad built in the state, thus guaranteeing the market for such stocks. Up to the Civil War, Virginia's state government provided more than $21 million for railroad construction, with much more coming from localities. In the same period, North Carolina's state government went into debt for more than $9 million to subsidize railroad development. In the Southern states before the Civil War, more than 55% of railroad capital was provided by states and local governments. 

Private railroads failed in Michigan, so, in 1837, the state government, defying the great economic depression that followed the destruction of the Bank of the United States, began building an ambitious set of rail lines. By 1846, the Michigan Central and Michigan Southern were in operation. Under financial duress, the state was then forced by creditors to privatize the lines and specify in the state constitution that it would never build such lines again. 

Indiana had spent more than $1.6 million for a rail line from Madison to Lafayette when, in 1843, the state was forced to turn it over to the Madison and Indianapolis Railroad Co. The line was completed 1847, as the first railway in the state. 

Up to 1857, Missouri authorized loans of almost $25 million to seven railroad companies to build their lines.
In its first year of statehood, 1858, Minnesota amended its constitution so as to legally lend $5 million to four railroads. 

By 1860, Texas had given 5 million acres and lent about $2 million for railroad construction. 

By 1856, local governments in Iowa incurred debts of more than $7 million for railroad construction.
The city of Milwaukee lent $1.6 million to railroad companies in the late 1850s. 

It is rather well known that Abraham Lincoln, as the Civil War President, commissioned the transcontinental rail lines. But before this, Lincoln also personally brought about the creation of Illinois' great railroads. 

Lincoln first headed ``The Long Nine'' (all quite tall) group of Whig Party men in the state legislature, who pushed through expenditures for canals and railroads to crisscross the state. The Illinois Central Railroad portion of this comprehensive state program failed, despite state financing. Lincoln then served as attorney and lobbyist for the Illinois Central, working to complete the state's transportation network. A Federal law enacted on Sept. 20, 1850, gave Federal lands as grants to Illinois, Mississippi, and Alabama to build railroads, amounting to a subsidy of 3.7 million acres. 

The Illinois Central Railroad was finally completed, in 1856, as a direct result of the Federal subsidy. Its $23 million cost came largely from mortgages on Federal lands donated to the company. Less than a sixth of the construction money was contributd by stockholders. 

Federal land grants in the 1850s totalled 25,464,018 acres, going to Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Illinois, Iowa, Louisiana, Michigan, Mississippi, Missouri, Wisconsin, the Minnesota Territory, and 45 railroads. The transcontinental railroad legislation, put through by President Lincoln in the 1860s, used similar grants, other Federal credits, and extensive Army involvement, uniting the Pacific coast with the eastern rail grid. 


 

Rail projects of the Yankee statesmen

The image of the New York and Boston monopolists dominates the public view of the history of the railroads, eclipsing the outstanding leading role of patriotic political leaders in northeastern rail development. The prevailing spirit of improvement was shown in the 1812 report of New York State Canal Commission (including New York City Mayor DeWitt Clinton and steamboat inventor Robert Fulton), on the results to be expected from building the Erie Canal:

``A man's life is short; the time is not far off when those who make this report will have passed away. No time, however, is fixed for the existence of a state, and the highest desire of a patriot's heart is that the state to which he belongs might be immortal.... And even when our constitution shall be dissolved and our laws be lost in the current of that unending stream which destroyes all human institutions, the offspring of our children's children will nevertheless remain, these same hills will stand and these same streams flow.... [A]fter the lapse of two thousand years ... when the records of history shall have been obliterated ... this national work shall remain. It will bear witness to the genius, the learning, the industry, and the intelligence of the present age.''

A state enterprise, the Erie Canal was completed in 1825, connecting New York City and the Hudson River to Lake Erie and the Midwest. Political allies of President John Quincy Adams now pressed for the construction of a railway line to parallel the canal. Such a railroad would connect the Atlantic port of Boston, the interior of Massachusetts, the Hudson River, the large undeveloped western area of New York State, and the Great Lakes. Action on this project came in both New York and Massachusetts, led by the Adams forces. 

The New York & Erie Railroad, incorporated in 1832, had its route surveyed under direction of the New York legislature in 1834. New York State in 1836 authorized a $3 million loan for it. But the panic of 1837 had ruined the credit of investors, and the railroad had to stop construction. At a special convention on Oct. 17, 1837, William H. Seward, an aspiring politician and an avid follower of John Q. Adams (later, Adams's biographer), wrote the address promoting the re-starting of the Erie railroad as a public project.
Seward wrote:
``It is well to remember that the experience of human government affords not a single instance in which a state or nation became impoverished or subjected to an irredeemable debt by works of internal improvement. Ambition, revenge, and lust for extended territory, have been the only causes, and was almost the sole agent, in entailing those calamities upon nations. Palaces and pyramids, the luxurious dwellings of living tyrants, and the receptacles of their worthless ashes when dead, have in every country but our own cost more than all its canals and roads.... Egypt, Rome, Netherlands, England, and France, and even our own peace-loving country, have severally disbursed more in a single war than was required to complete a system of improvements sufficient to perfect their union, wealth, and power.''
Seward's political lieutenant, Samuel R. Ruggles, put forward as the principal promoter of the Erie rail line, was elected a few days later to the state legislature and became chairman of the ways and means committee. Seward was elected governor the following year, on a platform of building transportation infrastructure. In the legislature, Ruggles wrote the 1838 ``Report upon Finances and Internal Improvements of the State of New York.'' 

The state paid for the revival of the Erie railroad, contributing more than $6 million, with localities donating still more. Virtually the entire construction of the line was at public expense. In return, the state was allowed to appoint several directors to the Erie's board. In his 1840 annual message to the legislature, Governor Seward recalled Gen. George Washington, in 1783 at the close of the Revolution, having foretold New York's future inland navigation to Lake Erie. He described the results of the great projects to open up the interior districts and cities of New York State, and allowing the distant city of Chicago to easily and cheaply exchange its products with those of New Yorkers. 

Meanwhile, Massachusetts proceeded with the line westward from Boston. The first leg, the Boston and Worcester railroad, was completed in 1835, despite opposition from powerful Tory interests. The key promoter of the whole project was Edward Everett, a teacher of Greek, proud of calling himself ``the first American to receive a Ph.D. at Germany's Göttingen University,'' and a close supporter and relative by marriage of John Quincy Adams. His brother, Alexander Hill Everett, had been Adams's private secretary when Adams was U.S. ambassador to Russia (1809-11). 

Edward Everett was elected Massachusetts governor on the platform of extending the rail line west into New York. Everett put through state government stock and bond purchases totalling $3,700,000, to build the Western Railroad, as against the $800,000 which came from private investors. The state got four out of nine directorships on the Western, to coordinate with George W. ``Pipes'' Whistler, the line's chief engineer. Governor Everett promoted a series of other railroad enterprises, all to converge on Boston. 

New York Governor Seward is best known historically as the Secretary of State for President Lincoln during the Civil War. Massachusetts Governor Everett is remembered, if at all, for delivering the long oration at Gettysburg, overshadowed by Lincoln's Address. 

Keeping in mind how globalist policymakers now denounce ``state-subsidized projects'' in would-be developing countries, see how Seward's son described the patriotic elation at the completion of the great multi-state rail line:

``The opening of the railway to Boston was considered as the beginning of a new era in commerce, and was greeted with appropriate demonstrations. On the 27th [of December, 1841,] the first through-train from Boston over the Berkshire Hills arrived at Greenbush [on the east bank of the Hudson] in the evening, and was welcomed with rockets and cannon on both sides of the river. ``The Speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, the Common Council of Boston ... and the directors of the railroad, were on board; were received at the ferry by the Common Council of Albany, and escorted in triumph by military and fire companies, with torches and music, to Congress Hall.''

During the extensive celebrations, Governor Seward toasted,
``The States of Massachusetts and New York: they have combined in the prosecution of the Western Railroad; may they become as united in maintaining the faith and the integrity of the Union!''
Seward's son wrote that they celebrated their new power over nature, having effectively reordered the region's geography:
``On the table was bread made of flour which was in the sheaf, brought in a barrel that was in the tree, at [far-distant] Canandaigua two days before. Sperm [whale oil] candles, made by Mr. Penniman at Albany in the morning, were burning in Faneuil Hall [in Boston] in the evening. Salt was on the table which thirty-six hours before was three hundred feet underground at Syracuse.''
These transport projects created cities such as Buffalo and Rochester from what had been wilderness, and made New York City into one of the world's leading metropolises. Huge areas were suddenly connected to markets for their farm, forest, and mineral goods, which now took on great economic value. The resulting increase in land prices represented real progress, not speculative hot air. 


 

Americans build foreign railroads, Brits launch war

 
American nationalists employed the power and resources of government to develop the U.S. interior with an immense railroad grid; they built 121,000 miles in 55 years, from the Army engineers' 1828 startup of the Baltimore & Ohio, to the 1883 completion of the Lincoln-commissioned Northern Pacific out to Tacoma, Washington. This task was accomplished over the resistance of the British faction, the London-Boston-Wall Street axis, which sought to block the integration of the West into an American industrial republic.
 
We may put this strategic contest between America and the British Empire into sharper relief by reviewing two cases of American railroad-building in foreign countries--Russia and Peru--and by observing Britain's bloody counteractions. 




 

Russia

Franz Anton von Gerstner, whose 1840 report greatly aids any serious study of early U.S. railroads, himself built the very first railroad in Russia in 1837, just before he came to America. Gerstner's experimental line covered only a 17 mile stretch from the Tsar's palace to St. Petersburg. 



Five years later, the Russians were ready for their first serious railway project. In 1842, Tsar Nicholas|I hired ``Pipes'' Whistler to build a line from St. Petersburg to Moscow. Whistler had spent the previous several years working on the Great Western Railway (from Boston to the Erie Railroad). Whistler moved to Russia and planned and supervised construction of the 400 mile Russian railway. Philadelphia manufacturers provided locomotives. Whistler also built Russian rail factories, docks, bridges, and fortifications. At the same time, Russia adopted its first high-tariff system, emulating the Henry Clay-John Quincy Adams ``American System'' economic policy, thus protecting against British trade war and launching Russia's modern iron industry. Whistler died in Russia in 1848. 

The British looked coldly upon this initiative, which threatened to ``Americanize'' Russia. Their attitude may be seen in a diatribe written in 1852 by a high-ranking British intelligence operative: 


``Russian railroads seem to be meant for Russian soldiers; and it is the facility thus afforded of moving large bodies of men that invests this mode of communications in Russia with an importance which does not attach to it in Great Britain, or perhaps any other country in Europe, to an equal extent. When St. Petersburg, Moscow, Odessa, and Warsaw become connected, Russia assumes an entirely new position with regard to the rest of Europe. A few days, instead of many months, will then suffice to concentrate the armies of the north and south upon the Austrian or Prussian frontiers. Through this same quarter of the world, many hundred years ago, poured those barbaric hordes which overran civilized Europe; it would, indeed, be a singular testimony to the spirit of the age, if the next invaders made their descent by means of railroads.''

This is the traditional British hate-propaganda which today uses the trick phrase, ``dual-use technology.'' Of course the Russians could use railroads to move troops (though they built their lines with a different gauge from that of western Europe, to defend against invasion!). But the Americans acted to create an anti-imperial concert of modernized, sovereign nations. 

Britain responded by launching the Crimean War against Russia. Alexander II, who became Tsar during that 1854-56 bloodbath, was so shocked at British superiority and Russian backwardness, that he moved his country rapidly into modern times, allying Russia with Abraham Lincoln and inviting in new American railway builders. 



 

Peru

Our other foreign case study is of a project generally unknown in the United States, but famous to Peruvians: the railroads built in the 1870s across the Andes Mountains by an American, Henry Meiggs. This was the most ambitious railway program ever planned in South America. Meiggs is revered in Peru, and hated with a hot passion in London and in U.S. Anglophile circles. Meiggs and his Peruvian sponsors, including economist and statesman Manuel Pardo, proposed to cut rail lines from the Pacific coast across the Andes into the interior. Aiming to integrate the continent economically, they proposed to transform social relations and make the backward peasantry into modern citizens. 

Henry Meiggs had a ``spectacular'' life, to go with the railroads he ultimately built. 

He was born in 1807 in the town of Catskill, New York, on the Hudson River. As a young man, he ran a family lumber enterprise in Catskill, and in Boston. From 1828 into the 1830s, U.S. Army engineers surveyed and supervised construction on a rail route from Catskill northwestward. The line through Catskill was to be one of two rail links from Boston to Lake Erie, designed to bring sudden prosperity to precisely Meiggs's kind of business. The Army officers, led in 1831 by William Gibbs McNeill, took the rail line across the Catskill Mountains to meet the Erie Canal, using many bridges and scaling sharp gradients. When the Van Buren depression of 1837 wrecked Meiggs's business, and stalled the railroad construction, New York restarted the Catskill and Canojoharie Railroad with a $300,000 state loan. 

With this historic, state-sponsored, mountain rail-building enterprise as his inspiration, Meiggs went into business in New York City, and then, during the California Gold Rush, moved out to San Francisco. Meiggs became a political leader in the patriotic pro-Union faction running the California Democratic Party. An alderman and entrepreneur, he built the North Beach district of San Francisco, founded the San Francisco Philharmonic Society, built the Music Hall, and sponsored the best Classical music talent. His faction, led by New York-bred political boss David Broderick, Gov. John Bigler, and banker (later general) William T. Sherman, came under murderous attack by pro-secession/pro-slavery operatives, including the ``vigilantes.'' Under terrible financial pressure, Meiggs fled with his family onto the high seas, pursued unsuccessfully by an armed mob of creditors against whom he had defaulted. He eventually made good on all his California debts.


Meiggs sailed to Chile. California Gov. John Bigler, the U.S. ambassador there, met Meiggs and recommended him highly to Chilean leaders. As Bigler's brother William had been governor of Pennsylvania and president of the Philadelphia & Erie Railroad Company, Meiggs was now evidently well enough connected to make an ambitious new start, late in life. He undertook to organize and manage difficult railroad constructions in Chile, whose success came to the attention of the nationalist faction in neighboring Peru. 

During the American Civil War, Europeans took advantage of U.S. military preoccupations to try to restore imperial rule: Britain, France, and Spain invaded Mexico, and Spain invaded Peru. The American nationalists and military, as they became able to do so, sided with the Hispanic republics, and the European armies withdrew. Under President José Balta (1868-72), Peru's government hired Meiggs to build an astonishing set of railroads into the Andes. The lines ran from the southern port of Mollendo to Arequipa, on to Puno and Juliaca en route to Cuzco; and from Callao next to Lima, up the Rimac Valley and on across the heights to Huancayo. Meiggs employed his laborers under uniquely humane conditions, and the results were considered a wonder of modern times, the most daring and ingenious mountain engineering known to the world.
On New Year's Day, 1870, Meiggs spoke at a celebration in Lima marking the opening of his second Peruvian project, the Central Trans-Andean Railway, known popularly as ``the railway to the moon.''
Meiggs told the proud civic gathering that the object was to: 
``scale the summits of the Andes and to unite with bonds of iron the people of the Pacific and the Atlantic.... Its immense transcendancy will very shortly be felt in all spheres of human activity. This happy event proclaims in the future a great social revolution whose triumph and whose benefits are entrusted to the locomotive, that irrepressible battering ram of modern civilization. At its pressure will fall those granite masses which physical nature has until today opposed to the agricultural, industrial, and mercantile agrandizement of the Peruvian nation. Its whistle will awaken the native race from the lethargy in which its dominators, supported in abjection and isolation, have kept it for so many centuries under ... error and ignorance.... ``Steam, which shortens time and cuts distances, is the most rapid and secure means of introducing life and material development to the backward Amazonian regions.''

The Meiggs projects had long been envisioned and promoted by Peru's nationalist economist Manuel Pardo. In an 1862 booklet calling for development of Andean railroads, Pardo wrote of the need for a true national revolution: 
  
``If railways are called to exercise a redeeming mission in the wild deserts of America, no less are they to effect a moral and intellectual revolution in the backward and ignorant masses that form the bulk of our population. Means of communication will exercise their beneficent influence in two ways. In one way by giving mobility to men who today pass their life and die nailed like stones or plants where nature cast them down, for mobility for them is shortly material liberty.... Mobility also brings enlightenment; not, of course, the enlightenment of books and theories, but the practical science of life which frequent communication with men gives.''
 

Pardo challenged the supposed inevitability of a backward state of the populace that allows oligarchs to rule by manipulating mobs or terrorists: 
  
``Merely bettering their moral condition can give them those principles of personal dignity and independence without which they can never be anything but miserable helots, commoners attached to the soil and blind instruments of everyone who cuts a cudgel to order them about. By bettering the material condition of our people, we shall oppose the most effective barricade against the advances of tyranny ... [and] against the forces of the anarchists. That is the second means whereby railways ought to exercise their moral influence upon populations.''

The British Empire mounted a political, diplomatic, financial, and ultimately military offensive to stop this menacing initiative. President Balta was murdered in 1872, and was succeeded as President by Manuel Pardo. Squeezed mercilessly by international finance, Meiggs and the Peruvians were unable to carry the project across the continent into Argentina or Brazil, thus preventing the uniting of the continent. Peru was bankrupted, and Meiggs died, impoverished, in 1876.


In 1879, the British ran a puppet Chilean Army and Navy attack against Peru, known as the War of the Pacific. The invasion aimed at destroying Peru as a nation, and smashing up the newly built railroads, which were the greatest in South America. U.S. President President James Garfield, inaugurated in 1881, replied with U.S. overt and covert aid to Peru, at the same time cooperating with railway projects in Russia, and allowing Americans to sponsor the revolutionary underground against British rule in Ireland. President Garfield and Tsar Alexander II were both assassinated within the space of a few months in 1881.
Garfield's Secretary of State, James Blaine, testified in Congress about what had happened in Peru:


``The ... English bondholders ... put up the job of this war on Peru.... England sweeps it all in.... The iron-clads that destroyed the Peruvian Navy were furnished by England.... It is a perfect mistake to speak of this as a Chilean war on Peru. It is an English war on Peru, with Chile as the instrument.... Chile would never have gone into this war one inch but for her backing by English capital, and there was never anything played out so boldly in the world as when they came to divide the loot and the spoils.''
 Winning this war, the British financiers, led by a British immigrant to America, W.R. Grace, in their own name then foreclosed the entirety of Peru, putting the railroads and virtually all other enterprises into British ownership. 

W.R. Grace, the founder of the imperial trading company that ran western South America for the British (and spun off Pan American Airways), rendered the financiers' verdict on Henry Meiggs, as paraphrased in an American newspaper: 
  
``New York, October 12 [1877]--W.R. Grace, head of the chief Peruvian firm in this city, speaking of the financial condition of the late Henry Meiggs at the time of his death, says he thinks that really nothing but a mass of worthless securities and contracts are left behind Meiggs.... Meiggs was a visionary man, who carried out vast schemes, but they were often things that a sound business man would consider worthless.''

In recent years, Peru's Shining Path terrorists, whose terrorist operations receive backing from London, have sought to destroy Peru's railroads, and all advanced civilization. Russia is collapsing under the misrule of plundering speculators, its infrastructure collapsing. In the United States, the rail system has ground to a halt, sucked dry by financial adventurers. The looters will not invest a penny in building up a rail line; but they are free with their warnings, that no nation must ever again dare to do so. 



 

Footnotes

  1. Gustavus Myers, History of the Great American Fortunes (New York: Random House, 1937).
  2. Franz Anton Ritter von Gerstner, Die innern Communicationen der Vereinigten Staaten von Nordamerika, originally published 1842-43, English translation from the German, edited by Frederick C. Gamst, published as Early American Railroads (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 1997). Gerstner was a German-speaking Czech subject of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, who allied himself with the Philadelphia-based U.S. nationalists to such an extent, that he named his U.S.-born daughter, ``Philadelphia.''
  3. Alan Levinson's research has been of great help in the present work. See Levinson, ``America's Railroads: Success Story for Dirigist Nation-Building,'' The New Federalist, Jan. 27, 1992.
  4. Forest G. Hill, Roads, Rails & Waterways: The Army Engineers and Early Transportation (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1977), p.|47.
  5. Ibid., p. 102.
  6. The Corps of Engineers, created in 1802, was directed to locate at West Point and there to constitute a military academy. From then until the Civil War, the Academy was controlled by the Army's Engineer Department and was operated as the national school of engineering. Most cadets actually resigned from the Army within a few years after graduating, with the blessing of the government, so as to supply their vital government-furnished training to the nation's enterprises, private and public. Thus, beyond those active duty officers directly assigned to railroad planning and construction, many more engineers with Army backgrounds made careers managing the growing U.S. railway network.
  7. ``The Bourbon Conspiracy that Wrecked France's École Polytechnique,'' EIR, June 20, 1997.
  8. Charles F. O'Connell, Jr., ``The Corps of Engineers and the Rise of Modern Management, 1827-1856,'' in Military Enterprise and Technological Change (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1985), p.|99.
  9. George Rogers Taylor, The Transportation Revolution, 1815-1860 (New York: Rinehart & Co. 1951), p.|100.
  10. Thomas P. Kettell, railroads section of 80 Years' Progress of the United States (Hartford, Connecticut: L. Stebbins, 1867).
  11. March 14, 1812, quoted in Gerstner, op. cit., p.|48.
  12. Frederick W. Seward and William H. Seward, Autobiography of William Henry Seward, with a Memoir of His Life (New York: D. Appleton & Co., 1877), pp.|342-343.
  13. Ibid., pp.|573-574.
  14. Ibid., p. 574.
  15. Ibid., p. 575.
  16. For the British-financier faction's 1870s attack on U.S. railroad building, see Anton Chaitkin, ``London's Murder of McKinley Sets Up U.S.-U.K. Special Relationship, War,'' EIR, March 24, 1995.
  17. Laurence Oliphant, The Russian Shores of the Black Sea in the Autumn of 1852, quoted in Albert Parry, Whistler's Father (Indianapolis: The Bobbs-Merrill Co., 1939), p.|1.
  18. Watt Stewart, Henry Meiggs, Yankee Pizarro (Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1946), pp.|61-62. This biography, a raving hatchet job against Meiggs, is openly favorable to the British financiers who eventually swallowed up Peru.
  19. 19. Manual Pardo, Estudios sobre la Provincia de Jauja, Lima, 1862, pp.|47-48, quoted in Stewart, op. cit., p.|73.
  20. Ibid., quoted in Stewart, op. cit., pp.|73-74.
  21. Congressional Testimony, House Report, 47th Congress, 1st Session, No. 1790.
  22. Stewart, op. cit., p. 341.




NOTE: This article is a rough version of the article that appeared in The American Almanac. It is made available here with the permission of The New Federalist Newspaper. Any use of, or quotations from, this article must attribute them to The New Federalist, and The American Almanac.

http://members.tripod.com/~american_almanac/railroad.htm

Great rail projects raised living standards

The earliest U.S. railroads, government projects with private participation, as in the 1960s Apollo space program, immediately increased Americans' standard of living. The expense and time involved in travel, and in shipping farm and factory goods, were dramatically minimized, increasing freedom, productivity, and overall profitability, while making everything more affordable. These figures, suggesting the change, are taken from George Taylor's The Transportation Revolution.

Freight rates per ton-mile

Transportation 181618531860
Turnpikes$30.00 and up$15.00$15.00
Mississippi-Ohio rivers downstream 1815$1.30 $0.37
Mississippi-Ohio rivers upstream1815$5.80 $0.37
Erie Canal... $1.10$0.99
Chesapeake & Ohio Canal...$0.25$0.25
New York Central Railroad...$3.40$2.06
Erie Railroad...$2.40$1.84
Pennsylvania Railroad...$3.50$1.96

Time for freight shipment, Cincinnati to New York City

1817: Ohio River keelboat to Pittsburgh, wagon to Philadelphia, wagon or wagon and river to New York City:52 days
1843-51: Ohio River steamboat to Pittsburgh, canal to Philadelphia, railroad to New York City: 18-20 days
1852: Canal across Ohio, through Lake Erie to Erie Canal and down Hudson River: 18 days
1850s: Steamboat to New Orleans, packet boat to New York City, 28 days
1852: All rail via Erie Railroad and connecting lines: 6-8 days

Friday, January 28, 2011

What Does Culture Do?

As we have documented this fact in locations published earlier, the turn in direction of pathway, away from President Franklin Roosevelt's leadership, toward the catastrophe which is our nation's terrible condition today, was begun as part of an operation in which the later head of our Central Intelligence Agency, John Foster Dulles' brother Allen, played a key role, toward the close of World War II. This is a role he played together, and over the later decades his life, with accomplices, including his James Jesus Angleton. Dulles and Angleton, typify those who played a key role in bringing a key part of the Nazi SS intelligence apparatus into the inside of what became, later, the NATO system.

 This integration of key elements of the Nazi SS apparatus into our postwar intelligence system, was the outcome of a process which had begun when leading Nazis, such as some around Hermann Goering, recognized that the Nazi defeat at Stalingrad, when combined, in effect, with the U.S. naval victory at Midway, foretold the coming defeat of the Adolf Hitler phase of Nazi Germany. These Nazi circles are typified by Dulles' Geneva-based contact François Genoud, Walter Schellenberg, and former Nazi Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht and his Otto "Scarface" Skorzeny, as Anglo-American-protected ex-Nazi assets in Europe, such as operations conducted through Spain's fascist dictator Franco. These assets, such as the notorious "rat-line," were used as channels for relocating significant elements of the Nazi apparatus in the Americas, where the circles built up around descendants of those Nazi assets are a key threat to the security of our hemisphere, including the interior of the U.S.A., today. Meanwhile, as the case of Falangist ideologue Blas Piñar's present leadership among Nazi relics in Europe and the Americas attests, the parts of the Nazi SS apparatus which were rescued by aid of Dulles et al., are presently an active influence and security threat, in the present disguises of the Nazi International, in both Europe and the Americas generally.
Those Nazis themselves were only part of the problem. As we have documented this in earlier reports on the "Beast-Man" phenomenon, the fascist organizations which took over Western and Central Continental Europe during the interval 1922-45, were political assets of a network created and directed by a network of private financier houses, a network which was brought together in the context of the unworkable form of international financial-monetary system created, at the close of World War I, under the authority of the Treaty of Versailles. This apparatus, run top-down by these financial circles, is properly filed under the counterintelligence category named the Synarchist International. The Nazis were but one among the sundry brand-labellings included in the assortment of "left-right" political conspiracies created by this Synarchist International.[1]


Once the probable doom of Hitler was apparent to relevant German leaders, as early as during the first half of 1942, the intent of those inner circles of Nazis around Hermann Göring, was to save the financial kernel and certain personnel of the Nazi system for a role in the postwar world. Their intention was, to create a system of universal fascism, an imperial system, a new version of the Roman Empire, to either eliminate all nation-states, or absorb them into an imperial system of what today's Michael Ledeen has designated as "universal fascism," his translation, for practice, of Allgemeine-SS. Those Nazi and other varieties of philosophically existentialist elements, were collected to form a combination of other Continental European fascist networks, and were integral to the Franklin Roosevelt-hating, Anglo-American networks associated with Henry Luce's already existing project for "A New American Century."
The integration of these elements into a common, Anglo-American-dominated, "right-wing international" network occurred, all under the direction of the "Bilderberg" or kindred expressions of the fascist international financier syndicate. This same Synarchist International, which had created Hitler, also produced that subversive enemy of ours who later appeared under such significant labels as "The Congress for Cultural Freedom." To sell Nazism today, package it into a can bearing an Orwellian label such as "Project Democracy."
The history of the background to the connection between Synarchism and the Congress for Cultural Freedom, includes the following notably relevant historical features.
Like that co-founder of what became the fascism of Mussolini, Hitler, and Francisco Franco, the pro-Satanic Count Joseph de Maistre, and like the forerunner of Adolf Hitler, Friedrich Nietzsche, the characteristic of those forces of evil expressed both as fascism and as those followers of Allen Dulles promoting the philosophy of the so-called Congress for Cultural Freedom, is their "Silenus" cry of hatred against the legacy of progress of European civilization. So, Maistre expressed his hatred against the legacy of the 15th-Century Renaissance, by worship of the Beast-Man image of that Satanic anti-Semite Tomás de Torquemada. So, the Christ-hating anti-Semite Nietzsche harked back to the pagan brutishness of a Phrygian Dionysus.
To understand Synarchism today, we must recognize and understand that modern fascism then, as now, takes its origins from the Martinist freemasonry which worked with Lord Shelburne's London to organize France's Reign of Terror. This is the same freemasonic order which produced Napoleon Bonaparte, and the interchangeable parts known as Talleyrand and Fouché. It is also, today, expressed in the form of a modern fascism unleashed by the financier plotters of that 20th-Century Synarchist International which also gave us the legacy of Mussolini, Hitler, and Franco.
To understand this persistently recurring threat to modern civilization, we must focus attention on the historically specific characteristics of that European civilization which was first brought forth in Greece by what Socrates would have acknowledged as the midwives supplied by a great Egyptian tradition. The legacy of evil expressed by the image of the Congress for Cultural Freedom today, is the image of a potentially fatal infection which is the leading specific threat to a particular species of culture, the specific culture of a European civilization traced in its original best aspects, as Plato did, from the images of Thales, Solon, and Pythagoras.
When that matter is placed in that historical light, the history of the problems of the globally extended European culture, since ancient Greece, can all be defined in an appropriately elementary way. One feature stands out in significance above all others: How does that European civilization define, or reject, the existence of a fundamental, principled distinction, of man from beast? How does this conception function, in principle, as in practice? What crucially relevant lessons does history, real history, show to the actually thinking U.S. citizen whom I address here? What does it show him, or her, about the crucial issue posed by the influence of CCF and its like?
Are You a Man or a Monkey?
Closer, modern study of the astrophysical principles expressed by the architecture of Egypt's Great Pyramids of Giza, has provided crucially typical, scientific evidence bearing upon the way in which Egypt contributed to the specific quality of greatness achieved by what we call today the Classical Greek culture of Thales, Pythagoras, Solon, and Plato. Since the birth of the modern Europe of the sovereign nation-state, an institution which emerged from the Italy-centered 15th-Century Renaissance, European civilization, as defined by that Classical heritage, has been expressed, typically, as the modern notion of a sovereign nation-state republic. With this 15th-Century emergence of a new institution, the sovereign nation-state, demanded by such preceding leaders as Dante, and described, as to essential points of principle, by that century's Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, had become the most effective form of existing institutional power for improvement of the condition of mankind.
The distinction of the emergence of modern Europe, through the struggles against the shackles of an ultramontanist form of medieval imperialism, is that, for the first time, in the shadow of Filippo Brunelleschi's crafting of the cupola of the Cathedral of Florence, the bestializing legacy of empire gave way to the notion of a community of sovereign nation-states each and all committed to promotion of that general welfare of mankind. This was the same prescribed goal sought since Solon of Athens, as defined by the Classical Socratic Greek, and Christian, principle of agape.
Unfortunately, as the role of the pro-Satanic Tomás de Torquemada illustrates this, the Venice-orchestrated, ultramontane forces of reaction against that Renaissance, struck back with bestial, homicidal fury, as typified by that interval of A.D. 1511-1648 religious and kindred warfare which was brought to a close only through the leading role of France's Cardinal Mazarin in bringing about the great 1648 Treaty of Westphalia. That principle of the Treaty of Westphalia is the achievement upon which civilized modern European life has depended, since then, to the present time.
Unfortunately, the conflict did not end, as settled, in that treaty, then and there. A fresh threat to civilization arose in the rise to power of a new imperial pretender, the 1688-1763 rise of the Anglo-Dutch Liberal party, as expressed by the British East India Company of Lord Shelburne et al., to the rank of a global imperial power. It is the issues defined in the rising conflict between that Company's imperial power and those patriots gathered around the North American colonies' leading intellect, Benjamin Franklin, which has been implicitly the principal axis of reference for all notable, long-term forms of global conflict since 1763, to the present day. Although the British East India Company has passed on, its legacy, like the effects of an epidemic infectious disease, has continued its impact on modern, globally extended European history, up to the present day. The impact of that legacy has continued to define the matrix of world conflicts, from 1763 to the present day.
To understand adequately what the legacy of Allen Dulles et al., continues to represent, as a continuing threat of fascism in the world today, we must place our finger on the subject of the origin of Martinism, and its outgrowths such as Synarchism. What we know as 20th-Century fascism, or Synarchism, as we fought against it under President Franklin Roosevelt's leadership, lies in a persisting effort to overturn those principles of civilized relations among sovereign nation-states which were adopted by the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia.
As I shall explain summarily, now, and conclude discussion of that point later in this present section of the report, what was called, interchangeably, the "Venetian Party" or empiricists' "Enlightenment" of 18th-Century England and France, emerged as a newly attempted form of worldwide successor to the Roman Empire. This imperial role was established with the British East India Company's triumph at the 1763 Treaty of Paris. The Martinist freemasonic order which led the unleashing of the French Terror of the 1790s and Napoleon Bonaparte's tyranny, was itself a joint instrument of the imperial British East India Company's Lord Shelburne (1737-1805) and anti-U.S.A. forces of continental Europe. The Martinist order was an instrument created with the initial intention, as assigned by the Company's Lord Shelburne and his flunky, Adam Smith, to play a crucial role in wrecking the cause of the English-speaking colonies in North America and bankrupting and destroying Liberal London's most potent continental rival, the great Louis XI-Mazarin-Colbert tradition which was the best of France at that time.
Leading U.S. patriots in the tradition of the early Cincinnatus Society had come to understand this more and more clearly, especially since the time John Quincy Adams began to clear his own head in such matters, during the period he virtually created the functioning form of the U.S. State Department. [2] Notably, John Quincy Adams went on from there, as later President and senior member of the U.S. Congress, to launch what later became the Abraham Lincoln Presidency and the tradition which I, personally, represent, as an informed spokesman, as a U.S. Presidential candidate, today.

As I have said above, the roots of modern European civilization go much deeper than modern times. In the history of European civilization, it was from the Egypt of those Pyramids and of the founder of the ancient nation of Israel, Moses, that European civilization adopted a specific quality of rigorous notion of a fundamental, principled distinction of man from beast. The initial realization of what became known as European civilization, occurred principally as the impact of that same conception associated with the universalized, Mosaic nature of man, in forming the Classical tradition of what we call ancient Greece today.
Although the nature of the human species is the same everywhere, and although there is, therefore, a necessary, long-ranging tendency for convergence of nations upon common principles of mutual conduct, the history of the development of a European culture, by that name, as rooted in the history of ancient Greece, has a distinct quality of historical specificity, from beginning to the present date. This requires competent thinkers to treat the internal development of the offshoots of ancient European cultures since Solon's Athens, as an historically specific process which must first be studied as a distinct subject of converging cultural developments in its own right.
The most essential feature of that history is the long struggle, as since Solon's Athens, between the effort to establish a true nation-state republic of citizens, and the opposing effort, typified by Sparta under the Constitution of Lycurgus, or the Babylonian, Persian, Roman, Byzantine, and ultramontane forms such as medieval, Venice-centered Europe. The backers of the CCF project represent the latter, imperial impulse, an impulse toward eradicating the existence of sovereign nation-states, as the presently wildly utopian thrust toward plunging the planet into the doom of imperial "globalization," attests.
The issue so posed by the CCF legacy, in particular, is the nature of the functional, constitutional distinction between men and apes. That principled distinction is defined as follows.
Egyptian science as echoed by that of the Pythagoreans, Thales, and Plato, was associated with a pre-Aristotelean conception of mathematics, which was derived from astronomy, a conception of physical geometry, rather than an aprioristic mathematics such as that of Euclid. This pre-Euclidean, and, implicitly anti-Euclidean method of physical science was then known as "spherics." This notion of a physical geometry, rooted in the concept of "spherics," rather than an aprioristic, merely formal geometry, provided the basis for defining an experimental proof of the existence of a fundamental physical principle, principles designated as what we call today "powers" (Greek: dynamis), as Carl Gauss's 1799 attack on the frauds of Euler and Lagrange, in Gauss's first statement of The Fundamental Theorem of Algebra supplies an implicitly geometrical statement of the mathematical-physical representation of "powers."
Typical proofs of powers so defined, included the notion of the doubling of the line, of the square, and of the cube. Added to this was, most notably, the notion of the construction of a series of Platonic solids, as this was reported by Plato, and was addressed by Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa[3]  and his followers, Luca Pacioli and Leonardo da Vinci, and the avowed follower of all of these, that founder of modern astronomy, Johannes Kepler, who set the pace for the singular achievements of such as Fermat, Pascal, Huyghens, Leibniz, and Jean Bernouilli.
The experimentally based discovery of, and willful use of such physical principles, expressed the provable, absolute distinction of persons from animals, the distinction between man and ape. These principles were of two general categories, principles of man's intervention in nature, and principles of the social processes through which mankind increases our species' power in and over nature.
Otherwise, the most significant implication of these considerations, is the Promethean way in which mankind transmits the act of discovery of such powers (experimentally demonstrable universal principles) from one person to another, and thus from one generation to another. Through the transmission of the replicatable act of generating such discoveries of universal principle, we have the only way in which the human species has been able to increase its potential relative population-density, above the level of the millions possible for a species of higher ape, to more than 6 billions living persons today.
These principles have three most notable qualities, as follows.
  1. Although a valid universal physical principle is never, itself, an object of sense-perception, its experimentally proven universality of efficiency is an efficiently existing object of the mind. In other words, although the effect of application of a principle must be a subject of a mathematical description, the principle itself is not the mathematical formula, but is, rather, an integral, indivisible object of the mind, in the same way that the notion of an irreducible object of sense-perception is the idea of an object.[4]
  2. The standpoint of "spherics" adopted by the Pythagoreans, et al., thus divided human experience of the physical world between invisible, but efficient principles, and their implicitly visible sense-perceptible effects. In modern mathematical physics, this set of ontological distinctions is expressed as the notion of the complex domain as introduced by Carl Gauss and refined by his follower Bernhard Riemann.
  3. The true notion of a universal physical principle is never a way of merely explaining nature (contemplation), but is a method of acting efficiently to change nature in ways which only efficient comprehension of a discovered universal physical principle permits. It expresses an intention, whether an intention by the Creator of the universe, as Kepler defined the principle of universal gravitation which he had discovered, or by man acting in a way like that of that Creator. We must presume, at least to the present date, that all principles of the universe existed prior to man's consciousness; however, when man discovers the power to deploy such a pre-existing principle, man's action, as an intention, changes the ordering of the universe within which we act.[5]
The Prometheus Principle in History
However, in societies in which a relatively few hold others in the status of human cattle, the ruling strata of that society, like the Roman Emperor Diocletian before them, are careful to prescribe that society must not educate those we intend to condemn to the status of human cattle, above their intended station in life. The implication of that is, that the society committed to the notion of maintaining people in the status of human cattle, or, perhaps monkeys, does not wish to advertise the existence of those mental powers which set human beings apart from, and above the beasts. In European civilization since ancient Greece, this intention, to hold a large number of people in the status of human cattle, is expressed systemically by what is termed "philosophical reductionism," as this is expressed as the tradition of those opponents of the Pythagoreans known as the Eleatics, Sophists, and radical Euclideans, or the modern philosophical empiricists, positivists, and existentialists such as Nietzsche, the Nazi Martin Heidegger, and his co-thinkers Hannah Arendt, Theodor Adorno, and Karl Jaspers.
That issue is famously typified by the ancient Greek dramatist Aeschylus's Prometheus Bound. The evil gods of Zeus's Olympus captured the immortal Prometheus, chained him to a rock, and tortured him perpetually, to induce him to abandon the intention to give knowledge of universal physical principles to those human beings whom Zeus intends to hold in the status of nothing better than dehumanized, human cattle. This issue, as posed by the image of Aeschylus's Prometheus Bound, has proven itself to be the most important issue in the history of European civilization as a whole, since no later than the founding of that civilization in ancient Greece.
It is the issue of the individual person's right to discover, and to know experimentally, provable universal physical principles, and to apply these principles of knowledge to change man's relations to nature in ways which increase the potential relative population-density of the human species. It is, in other words, the right to know, and to practice that truth which the Satanic Olympian Zeus and his oligarchy hate with the fiercest hatred. It is the right of mankind to enjoy the blessings of progress, the right to improve the condition of the human individual in the broadest and deepest sense of that notion. It is the notion of agape posed by Plato's Socrates, in opposition to the historically defined characters Glaucon and Thrasymachus, in Plato's Republic.
The transmission of knowledge of experimentally definable universal physical principles, from one person to another, and one generation to the next, is the expression of an immortal character of the role of the mortal individual in society. As Plato insists, and as the Christian Apostle Paul emphasizes in his 1 Corinthians 13, this principle of agape, so conceived, is the highest rank of moral and other law respecting human behavior. Jesus Christ's expression of the Creator's love of mankind, as agape, is the essence of the principle of natural law in the practice of civilization. So, Leibniz, in repudiating the evil intrinsic to John Locke, placed agape, as the principle of the pursuit of happiness, above all other law. So, the central Constitutional principle, and statement of intention of the U.S. 1776 Declaration of Independence, defined Leibniz's notion of the pursuit of happiness as the highest principle of our Constitutional law.
The term "Satanic" should be understood as controlled in its practical meaning as expressing a vicious form of practice of denial of the individual person's likeness to the Creator. Every person's life is therefore sacred. The Beast-Man behavior of captors in U.S.-run prisons in Iraq, is an example of people, those captors, as like Nazi concentration-camp guards, captors self-degraded into the likeness of inhuman predatory beasts. Similarly, the widespread attempt to interpret the U.S. Federal Constitution as a body of "contract law," especially among those mentally crippled by the burdensome tradition of the U.S. Confederacy, such as the radical "dictionary positivist" and U.S. Associate Justice Antonin Scalia, is an expression of that quality of the "Satanic," the degradation of human beings to the rank of property (e.g., "shareholder interest"). The treatment of any human being as a subject of "shareholder value" (i.e., Lockean property), as the current practice of the 1973 overturn of the Hill-Burton legislation by the HMO "reform," is therefore an implicitly Satanic mode of behavior. This Satanic quality is the characteristic feature of such evil British Fabian Society celebrities as H.G. Wells, Bertrand Russell, their crony Aleister Crowley, and their sorcerer's apprentices Aldous and Julian Huxley. The pollution of the U.S. by the relevant influences of Wells, Russell, et al., has become an expression of a Satanic influence in U.S. intellectual and other behavior.
In these matters of natural law, it is not the act as such which is crucial for law. It is the expressed intention underlying the act which is crucial. For this purpose, we must define "intention" as Kepler defined the Creator's intention which is expressed as that universal principle of gravitation (His, not the empiricist Galileo's) which governs the composition of the Solar System. Ignorance of the intention by which an act might be judged, is, in a certain degree, exculpatory, as in the case of a person lacking the powers or will for knowledge, to distinguish between right and wrong. In human behavior, it is the person's assignment of an intention as the purpose of his, or her life, which is of crucial bearing on the way in which society must judge the degree of actual culpability in, and remedies for, violation of a principle of natural law.
This point is illustrated by recognizing the experimentally validated discovery of any universal physical principle, such as Kepler's uniquely original discovery of the principle of gravitation, as expressing the Creator's intention. Thus, we must intend to promote such forms of scientific progress, as discovering the Creator's intention, and must regard ourselves as morally, constitutionally bound by the intent to pursue that course, and enforce the implications of such discoveries, as effectively as might be possible.
This distinction is made clearer in nature and importance, when we consider those misguided persons who refuse to recognize the 1776 U.S. Declaration of Independence and the Preamble of the Federal Constitution as enforceable intentions to which all interpretation of any other features of that Constitution, its amendments, or Federal law, must be made subject. Any positive law, any contract which violates those intentions, such as Scalia's evil reading of "shareholder value," must be nullified, as if axiomatically, even as if retroactively. Or, a contract negotiated by the relevant parties in apparent good faith, must be nullified in those aspects which might be discovered to be in conflict with natural law.
For example, in the history of the U.S., and other nations, the fact that a person had been property (e.g., a slave), by prior determination, or birth, was treated under a reading of that pro-slavery doctrine of John Locke which had been repudiated by the language and intention of the U.S. Declaration of Independence. Similarly, as in the case of those current debts of the nations of Central and South America which were imposed arbitrarily, upon those states under the newly imposed rules of a post-1971 floating-exchange-rate monetary system, rather than being incurred by the will of the debtor, are properly nullified under any judicial ruling consistent with natural law. No self-evident sanctity exists in any contract as such, except as there is no implied violation of natural law in the relevant terms at issue.
A true national constitution, such as our Declaration of Independence, and under the terms of the Preamble of our Federal Constitution, derives its authority from those of its statements of intention which are comparable to the notion of necessity that man-made law must be consistent with the same principles of knowable intention attributed to the Creator's law. In this matter, mankind must hold itself and its nations accountable for herding the national law of sovereign states into channels of intended effects consistent with the same notion of intention properly attributable to the notions of universal physical laws.
In all this and related matter, the Promethean right of the human individual and society to participate in the benefits of scientific and technological progress, must be enforced as a matter of natural law. This principle of law of statecraft must be viewed from the standpoint of the absolute distinction of man from ape. (If you reject scientific and technological progress, as the Luddites did, then you might apply for status, under law, as a monkey: A witty judge might merrily grant your plea.) Man's nature is his likeness to the Creator of the universe, in the respect that man's power to discover and employ universal physical principles, is a quality of human nature shared only with the Creator, and that any suppression of that right, by Zeus or any other force, is Satanic by implication.
The implication is, that the only just society is one which fosters scientific and technological progress, in changing both nature and man's mode of practice to this effect. In the language of a science of physical economy, this signifies the development and application of knowledgeable practice to the effect of increasing the physical expression of potential relative population-density of the human species, per capita and per square kilometer. Therefore the related notions of economic growth, and of physical profitability, are restricted to measurements made in physical terms, rather than, and often in defiance of, monetary terms of financial accounting. The attempt to shackle the physical practice of a society to the accounting office, e.g., usury, is implicitly a form of Satanism, and has often proven to be just that in many instances of practice. The only true profit is that which is an increase of good for mankind as a creature made in the likeness of the Creator.
The most essential consideration, therefore, is the need to promote the development of those mental powers of the individual which generate revolutionary changes in practice to the effect of increasing the net physical productivity of society per capita and per square kilometer.
For example, the greatest increase in the productive powers of labor, per capita and per square kilometer, was set into motion by the 15th-Century Renaissance's launching of the modern form of sovereign nation-state whose principles are prescribed in such locations as Cusa's Concordantia Catholica and De Docta Ignorantia. It was the achievement of modern forms of sovereignty by more nations, such as India and China, through their gaining the right to conduct their affairs in a way informed by the achievements of the European form of modern sovereign nation-state, which has made possible what has been already gained, as echoes of the anti-colonialist policies of the U.S. Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt, and greater foreseeable advances in the human condition among such peoples under a renewal of that President's intention today. This is the policy which affords us today, not only a way of escape from the threat of a global new dark age descending upon the world today, but a brighter vision of the future of humanity as a whole.
Shelburne's Evil Legacy Today
Through the mechanics of the British East India Company's orchestration of the so-called "Seven Years' War" on the continent of Europe, that Company diverted France's attention sufficiently from the larger world, to continental strife, that the British Company neatly snapped up control of what we know as Canada, India, and relevant other locations. Thus, the Treaty of Paris which acknowledged this outcome as a matter of law, established the British East India Company (rather than the British monarchy as such) as, in fact, a global, nominally British empire.
What became known to this day as the Bank of England's role as a keystone of a so-called "independent central banking system" has been the dominant feature in the long-range unfolding of the history of both the United Kingdom and continental Europe, up to the present day. This system was known, during that century, as the system of "The Venetian Party." The slime-mold-like concert of financier-oligarchical interests, which had exerted de facto imperial power with the medieval alliance of Venice and Norman chivalry, had, so to speak, reincarnated itself, from the late 17th Century on, as a new Anglo-Dutch-pivotted "Venetian" financier oligarchy, based in the maritime regions of Northern Protestant Europe. Intellectually, the imperial potencies of the Company's empire, spoke Dutch, English, and so on, but they thought as Venetian, as Francesco Zorzi (a.k.a. Giorgi), Giovanni Botero, Paolo Sarpi, Galileo Galilei, Antonio Conti, Voltaire, and Giammaria Ortes had taught them to think.
In this setting, Lord Shelburne emerged as the frankly diabolical, rising figure of influence within that Company. Shelburne and his circle of personal lackeys, such as Adam Smith, Edward Gibbon, and the consummately pro-Satanic Jeremy Bentham, played key roles as Shelburne agents, in setting out the intended ground-rules for the consolidation of the Company's empire as a permanent successor to the defunct Roman Empire.
Shelburne's role and rules, so defined, set the dominant features of the patterns of Europe-dominated global conflict which has, predominantly, determined the course of the general flow of world history, from that time to the present.
The concerns of Shelburne and his circle were the potential dangers to the eternal perpetuity of that empire from the inside and outside, respectively. The chief external threat they feared, was the impact of the American Revolution as a model which might infect Europe. Otherwise, they continued the proven policy of the Seven Years' War, a policy of keeping the nations of Europe more or less at one another's throats, as a way of preventing the emergence of a continental-Europe-based power which might overturn the imperial power represented by the Bank of England. Within the latter context, the immediate concern of Shelburne's circles was to destroy the power of the U.S. allies of 1776-83, Charles's Spain and Louis XI's France, chiefly the economic power represented by the Colbertiste tradition still alive within France.
President Abraham Lincoln's victory over Lord Palmerston's asset, the insurrectionary, slave-holders' Confederate States of America, became a principal threat to the continuation of that British Empire's hegemony over the planet. Not only had the victorious U.S. emerged as a continental nation-state power which could no longer be crushed by the methods of external attacks and internal subversion which Britain had employed up to that time. The startling success of the U.S. economic model, over the interval 1861-76, was drawing leading powers such as Alexander II's Russia, Bismarck's Germany, and others, including Japan, during and beyond the late 1870s, into adopting leading features of the Hamilton-Carey-List American System of political-economy, as the preferred alternative to the British system.
The result was a massive emphasis by pro-British influences, on subversion of the Republican Party, in addition to assets already in tow from within the traditionally pro-slavery Democratic Party. Meanwhile, that Prince of Wales and later emperor, King Edward VII, plotted to unleash what we call World War I, which led to the subsequent plotting of what became World War II, by the British fellow-travellers of the Continent-based Synarchist International.
During the course of World War II, the leading intention for perpetuating the empire in the postwar world, was supplied by the circles of H.G. Wells and Bertrand Russell, as in Russell's public acclaim for Wells's 1928 The Open Conspiracy and Russell's key role in organizing the introduction of warfare with nuclear-fission weapons as the instrument for establishing a form of imperialism called "world government," then, and "globalization," today. These are the current forms of the proposed continuation of the imperial perspective developed under the leadership of Shelburne. The doctrine of a "perpetual war" in the guise of "preventive, nuclear-weapons-armed warfare," of Prime Minister Tony Blair's confederate, Vice President Dick Cheney, is the present expression of the imperial policy set forth by Wells and Russell.
Throughout the postwar period to date, the "Sexual Congress for Cultural Fascism" has complemented the development of nuclear-fission and nuclear-fusion weapons, as an integral feature of this same imperial intention to uproot and exterminate the institution of the sovereign nation-state. The intended function of that "Sexual Congress for Cultural Fascism" associated with the CIA project linked to Commentary magazine and others, has been to destroy the institution of the U.S. sovereign nation-state at its root, its commitment to the American System of political-economy associated with the Constitutional founding of the U.S. republic and with the U.S.'s rising to a long-term world-power status under Presidents Abraham Lincoln and Franklin D. Roosevelt.
The corruption of the post-Lincoln U.S.A. in such directions, was premised on a political alliance between the London-allied, Manhattan-centered financier oligarchy and the relics of the slave-holding Confederacy. The legendary conflict between Republicans of the New York and Ohio varieties, is typical of this. The takeover of the U.S.A. to this effect, was accomplished through aid of the assassination of President William McKinley, and the domination of the next three decades of U.S. life by the impact of two Presidents in whom the tradition of the Confederacy was deeply embedded, Theodore Roosevelt and Ku Klux Klan enthusiast Woodrow Wilson. It was under the influence of this combination assembled around the Teddy and Woody show, that the origins of the U.S. role in the post-World War I Versailles Treaty, and the launching of what became the "Sexual Congress for Cultural Fascism," took shape.
Looking back at the history of the U.S.A. since the death of Franklin Roosevelt, we can appreciate why certain trans-Atlantic, English-speaking partners came to support Wells and Russell in placing such emphasis on the efforts to uproot and destroy the traditional U.S. commitment to the benefits of scientific and technological progress in development of basic economic infrastructure and modes of agricultural and industrial production and employment. To defeat the U.S.A., the imperialist must take the American commitment to the beauties of scientific and technological progress out of the American, as this process of extraction has been fully ongoing during the recent four decades.
This pattern of change in British strategic outlook since the 1861-76 developments in the U.S.A., is signalled by the emergence of the circles of Thomas Huxley, and of the related circles of George Bernard Shaw and other notables of the history of the Fabian Society. Huxley's personal Zauberlehrling, H.G. Wells, a key figure in preparing for World War I, typifies this. The post-World War I reconciliation of Wells and Bertrand Russell around a common evil intent, expresses this in the continued life of the postwar world whence Wells and Russells have now long departed.
Roosevelt's leadership of the U.S. economic recovery, and the role of the U.S. under him at war, showed that the earlier attempts to subvert the U.S. had failed, failed because the earlier attempts to crush the American patriotic character had failed to uproot it. This time, they, decided, they would uproot it. The Congress for Cultural Freedom project, and the closely related "Frankfurt School," like the Fabian Society, typify the subversive modes employed to the latter purpose.
The `New Dark Age' Syndrome
Relatively speaking, those who, like bellwethers Cheney and Tony Blair, have come into key positions of Anglo-American power, are not notable for qualities of intelligence, nor even sanity. Their principal dupe, poor President George W. Bush, would be sympathetic as a poor, pathetic person of less than meager intellect, were he not so damnably mean about it all. Even if they conquered the world, as they have conspired to conquer and loot Iraq, they would fail more or less precisely as the lessons of the continuing asymmetric warfare in Iraq forewarn intelligent professional observers in the U.S. and elsewhere today. Their success, were it to occur, would mean nothing but the collapse of the planet as a whole into a prolonged new dark age of humanity, during which world population-levels would drop toward something substantially less than a billion miserable souls, perhaps even much, much less. These would-be tyrants would make Genghis Khan retch in disgust at the poor quality of monster, such as those, the world is apparently capable of producing today. These are not true leaders, even evil ones; these are a kind of demented slime-mold.
There is no victory for the U.S.A., Britain, or anyone else, under a continuation of their combined present reign over much of the world's policy-shaping. Those incumbent governments are failures, catastrophes from the outset. The issue is, whether or not we choose to send our posterity to Hell with them.
There is nothing particularly exotic about foreseeing a new dark age as the consequence of failing to dump what Cheney and Blair represent today. The distinction of the human individual from the beasts, lies in the development of those creative cognitive powers of the individual from which Classically scientific and artistic powers of composition spring. In former times, when most men and women have been subjected to a more or less brutish existence as virtual human cattle, a relatively few individuals have escaped from that prevalent dementation, to become the creative personalities on which the potential basis for progress is provided, even under mean conditions for society at large. What "The Sexual Congress for Cultural Fascism" has attempted to do, and, to a large degree, already done, is to eradicate even those relatively limited institutional arrangements under which some creative individuals were produced in sufficient supply to keep society in a manageable state of more or less continued progress. The attempt by the freaks of Commentary and their like to devise a perfect program for preventing the reappearance of generalized scientific and cultural progress, has been all too successful. The continuation of the proposed form of imperialism, called euphemistically "globalization," would mean the virtual eradication of any remaining, institutionalized capability for organizing a recovery of mankind's potential relative population-density, until such time as the present system of rulership had died out by the effect of the works of its own hand.
Throughout the history of European civilization, the relatively effective approaches to bestializing at least a large part of the human population, have always taken forms which converge upon a formal method of thought and argument which is called reductionism. One example of this is the introduction of derivatives of what is called Euclidean geometry today, a flawed notion of geometry which was introduced to eliminate the method of scientific discovery associated with Thales, the Pythagoreans, and Plato, the method associated with "spherics." All efficient forms of intended systemic corruption of the European human mind's potential for scientific thought, have taken the tactic of Euclidean geometry as a model of reference. This tactic occurs, in various times and places, in a more or less radical form; but, the underlying principle is the same fraud introduced, as what we know as Euclidean geometry, to replace "spherics."
 
Whereas, in Classical pre-Euclidean notions of science, the form of geometry associated with the Pythagoreans, as with Plato, and, for example, Kepler and Bernhard Riemann later, was not abstract geometry, but, rather, physical geometry, a concept of physical geometry implicitly defended by the 1799 Carl Gauss against the reductionist sleight-of-hand of d'Alembert, Euler, and Lagrange, a defense later developed into the view of the complex domain provided by Riemann.
However, the essence of the dirty trick copied by Euler, Lagrange, et al., was to adopt the outgrowth of Euclidean geometry known as the Cartesian Model, an abstract, a priori model of space, time, and matter, based on the set of unproven, but arbitrarily asserted definitions, axioms, and postulates of a Euclidean, or like form of schoolbook geometry. In this way, by excluding the way in which discoverable universal physical principles are expressed in the forms of the complex domain, the reality of the existence of fundamental physical principles, is replaced by a linearized mathematical approximation. Thus, the essential act of discovery, and related quality of actual proof of principle, is banned from the typical classroom and textbook. In this way, the real notion of the act of discovery of a universal physical principle is more or less banned from the knowledge of even the putatively highly educated ranges of the population.
The same crime is committed by sly plagiarist Galileo's wicked pupil Thomas Hobbes, who bans Classical irony and the related role of the subjunctive from speech! I explain this critical point.
In oral communication, especially as in Classical poetry and drama, the audience is presented with principled conceptions for which no name pre-existed in the known vocabulary of that audience. These previously unknown conceptions are the pivotal subject-matter of any Classical form of drama or poetry. The bridge provided for inventing, and imparting the name for the previously unknown conception, is Classical irony. Classical irony uses the creation of a paradox (e.g., "ambiguity"), by means of which the mind of the hearer is challenged to make a discovery of a kind tantamount to an experimental discovery in physical science, such as Kepler's discovery of a principle of universal gravitation. The mind of the member of the audience is motivated, and induced to discover the needed new idea by being challenged with that artificed paradox of the author and speaker. The recognition of that paradox now becomes the utterable name of the newly discovered idea, just as the name of an original discoverer is often attached to the notion of the relevant discovery as an cognizable object in communication. Reenacting the process of discovery of the thought-object called principle, as experienced by the putative original discover, becomes the experience which the student must relive, to make the same unified thought-object (Geistesmasse) his or her own. So, the idea enters the vocabulary through the mechanisms of Classical irony, just as the discovery of a universal physical principle, and that principle's recognition as a definite object of thought, proceeds in the work and teaching of physical science.
A discovered principle is not a mathematical statement by means of which an idea of principle is constructed. A discovered principle is a physical principle which exists outside previously known mathematics. It is an integral, indivisible object of the mind; the mathematics which may be properly associated with the expression of that principle, is not the principle itself, but, rather, the trail it leaves behind in its motion. One does not derive a principle by mathematics; one derives a new mathematics, as Riemann prescribes this, by the discovery of a form of object of the mind known as a universal physical principle, a principle whose trajectory can be mapped in a newly recreated, enriched mathematics.
The degradation of education and communication to systems of deductive/inductive derivation from putatively self-evident definitions, axioms, and postulates, is the most effective way of turning putatively well-educated populations into persons ignorant of, and hostile to, actually creative human thought. The people so brutalized, are like the people to whom Zeus forbade Prometheus's efforts to educate them in their native powers of creative thought. Thus, even the educated strata of society are induced to degrade themselves in a likeness of their mental behavior to that of human cattle.
In ancient Greece, such methods of reductionist brainwashing were known as the work of the likeness of the Eleatic school and, later, the Sophists whose way of thinking and behaving led Athens toward doom in the course of the Peloponnesian War.
What is being done to the U.S. population today, under the more radical programs of the "Sexual Congress for Cultural Fascism," is an extremely radical version of the same type of "dumbing down" of an entire generation, which we associate with the ancient Sophists of Athens.
The frequent effect of such practices of "dumbing down" masses of people into the likeness of human cattle, is a propensity for the spread of wild-eyed religious and other cults, such as those of the right-wing U.S. religious fanatics of today. For example, the use of reductionist methods by the 18th-Century Enlightenment, produced the related lunacies of Physiocrats such as François Quesnay and of Adam Smith. Quesnay's notion of "laissez-faire" was premised on the insistence that the profit of the estate was not produced by the action of the human cattle, called serfs, but by the magical powers of the landlord's title to his "shareholder value." This particular piece of lunacy, as advocated by Quesnay and Turgot, was plagiarized by Shelburne's Adam Smith as "the invisible hand"—the hand that Cheney and his cronies put into your personal pocket, for example. In such cases, arbitrary choices of clusters of words "Which I have chosen to believe," however arbitrarily, however fancifully, became a substitute for truth. The result is a form of mass-insanity, reminding us of the spew of Flagellants in the 14th-Century New Dark Age.
The actual conceptions of Christianity are well known, beyond doubt, from not only reading, but reliving the historically specific experience of the New Testament against the background of the Platonic influence pervading the educated strata, such as the Apostle Paul, as also of Philo of Alexandria, of the Hellenistic culture of that time. So, J.S. Bach composed his St. Matthew and St. John Passions, that the congregations might relive that historically specific experience on a suitable occasion. That Christ was sacrificed by the Roman occupying authority of Judea of that time, as Christ's followers, such as many of his Apostles acting in the imitation of Christ, like Jeanne d'Arc and the Rev. Martin Luther King, is the kernel of belief in Christianity as a doctrine of the Creator's love for a mankind which that Creator esteems as redeemable, because it is the noblest creature in his Creation, a creature made in His Own likeness. Christianity is a faith based, not in the Satanic qualities of hatred expressed by a Grand Inquisitor or a John Crowe Ransom "Fundamentalist," but in the form of love for mankind which Plato's Socrates identifies as agape.
By contrast, the thundering cacophony of hate spewed currently by the indecent union of war-like pseudo-Catholics and Protestant neo-flagellants, like the anti-Semitic rants of Grand Inquisitor Tomás de Torquemada, has nothing to do with Christianity, but has a great deal to do with the more or less Satanic depravity which has been greatly increased in depth and scope by the spread of the virulent irrationality fostered by the transit of the culture of the Americas, and elsewhere, during the recent 40 years.
Thus, considering the effects already displaced by the regime directed by "true believer" Vice President Cheney, no sane person who could honestly propose sincerely that the program we have denounced here, is anything less evil than literally Satanic.
The only remedy is to impel the leading institutions responsible for recent trends in policy to simply "Give it up!" Sooner or later, of course, a Renaissance will come, as it did after the New Dark Age which Venice and its Norman allies bestowed upon Europe's 14th Century. Human nature is divine in that sense; unsuppressed, since man is naturally good, mankind will seek out its reconciliation with its Creator. On that account, Satan can not triumph in the long term; precisely the contrary outcome is ultimately inevitable, because it is man's nature to work to bring that about.
My point is, therefore, that the onrushing New Dark Age is not as inevitable as the poor weak-brained commentators suspect. It is not inevitable, if we choose to prevent it from happening.
We have come to a time in the development of humanity, at which the principle of the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia must be consistently applied to the effect of establishing a world order premised upon a community of perfectly sovereign nation-state republics, each and all committed to the guiding principle of "the advantage of the other." We of the U.S.A. must heartily recommend this change to our neighbors in the United Kingdom, for example: "Give it up! You have been at it much too long; look where it has brought us now! Empire in any guise, by anyone, is an expression of the most deadly of the childhood moral diseases of humanity." The essential self-interest of any person, and of any nation, is not what he, or she, takes away from life, but what his or her developed talent gives to humanity at large. We are each and all born, and shall surely die, sooner or later. Let us be accordingly wise; let us not hope to keep what dies with us, in any case, but treasure that which lives after, especially that which has come into existence because we have lived.
A wonderful person, Getrude Pitzinger, one of the great singers of the past century, who had become our friend during a preceding decade, received my wife and me, her brother, and a friend, for some hours spent together, during a time shortly before she was to die. She organized those hours to such effect, that she instructed my wife Helga, who is known in Germany as a person of exceptionally appropriate insight into the German Classic, to go to our host's library, to draw a book containing a poem which Frau Pitzinger wished Helga to recite. Then, Frau Pitzinger would select one of her own recorded performances of a song-setting of that poem. As those hours of that meeting drew to a close, Frau Pitzinger exclaimed with a special kind of satisfaction, "I have lived to sing these songs." She died a short time later.
A great artist, born of simple background from Olmütz, the place where Lafayette had once been imprisoned as a favor to the British, with an extraordinary talent, a familiar of the greatest artistic performers of her time, could sum up her life happily: I have lived to give these things. Her performance of the Brahms Four Serious Songs and the Schumann Frauenliebe, are among our outstanding memories of her. She was, as Schiller and my wife concur, and I too, a beautiful soul, who gave much, much more than she took, as every patriot who is also a world-citizen, should do.
That, simply summarized, is the kind of world state of affairs which we should be content to build. It is time that a new President of the U.S.A., who has a deep devotion to such things, step forward as the rallying-point for a world which, by now, should be more than tired of the experience of the foolishness to which I have pointed here. Let us bring the sovereign peoples of the world together, for the kinds of collaborative developments of which a President Franklin D. Roosevelt would not have been ashamed. Let us give something good, and timely, to future humanity, before we, in our turn, pass on.


1. Otherwise known by World War II-period U.S. military intelligence as "Synarchist: Nazi-Communist," a network then including the lists of such notable Synarchist assets as Houston's de Menil, Mexico's Soustelle, and Soustelle's former teacher Paul Rivet, in Ayacucho, Peru. This was also known by U.S. intelligence in France as the Banque Worms conspiracy. Soustelle's later operations, including the targetting of France's President Charles de Gaulle from bases in Franco's fascist Spain, are typical.
2. The collapse of the U.S. Federalist Party was, most immediately, a result of the blunder of the Administration of President John Adams, in being taken in by a fraudulent propaganda-piece, Sir John Robison's The Roots of the Conspiracy, crafted and circulated within the U.S. by French Terror-controller Jeremy Bentham's British Foreign Office. The issue of the Alien & Sedition Acts, as posed by the circulation of Robison's hoax, is typical of that folly, President Adams' toleration of his wife's, Abigail Adams', foolish, continuing tirades against the most clear-headed U.S. leader of that time, Alexander Hamilton, typifying the state of confusion which led to the self-inflicted doom of the Federal and Democratic-Republican Parties.
3.  E.g., De Docta Ignorantia.
4.Compare Herbart's and Bernhard Riemann's coinciding, but different, uses of the German term Geistesmasse (i.e., "thought-object").
5. This view subsumes a notion which is at least as old as ancient Greek culture, that the universe is composed of three specific, interacting classifications of universal physical principles: non-living, living, and cognitive; the latter, although an existing universal, is a power unique to the human individual among mortal individuals of living species. This Classical Greek view was afforded its modern expression by the work of the great Russian biogeochemist, Vladimir I. Vernadsky, and his definitions of Biosphere and Noösphere. It is man's discovery and employment of universal physical principles which accords with the notion of man and woman made equally in the likeness of the Creator, as in Genesis 1.

- Lyndon H. LaRouche, Jr.
  May 27, 2004